It’s Time to Bury the Filibuster Once and For All

A majority of 52-47 wasn’t enough to protect babies who survive abortion—and that unconscionable reality traces back to an arcane Senate rule that makes a mockery of democratic governance.

The United States Senate has become a legislative graveyard where conservative priorities go to die. The filibuster—a procedural relic born from Aaron Burr’s meddling in 1805—now serves as the primary weapon blocking the will of American voters from becoming law.

Make no mistake: This outdated rule fundamentally undermines representative democracy.

The Silent Killer of Conservative Legislation

Consider the devastating toll. The Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act commanded 54 votes in 2015—a clear majority that would have shielded babies from dismemberment abortion after 20 weeks. It never received a final vote.

The Born-Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act earned 52 votes in January 2025. A majority of the United States Senate supported protecting newborns who survive abortion attempts. That bill also died without a vote.

These weren’t fringe proposals. These were mainstream pro-life protections supported by the majority party, reflecting the values of millions of Americans who cast ballots specifically to save innocent lives.

Yet they failed anyway.

Aaron Burr’s Lasting Curse on America

History remembers Aaron Burr primarily for murdering Alexander Hamilton in their infamous 1804 duel. But his more enduring damage came the following year when, as a lame-duck vice president, he convinced the Senate to eliminate the rule allowing debate to be cut off.

That seemingly minor procedural change created the possibility for unlimited debate—the foundation of today’s filibuster.

The modern version doesn’t even require senators to actually debate. Any senator can simply invoke the filibuster, forcing a “cloture” vote requiring 60 senators to proceed. When that threshold isn’t met, legislation dies in darkness.

No speeches. No public accountability. Just silent obstruction.

The Demoralization of Conservative Voters

Here’s what the establishment doesn’t want you to understand: The filibuster systematically demoralizes the Republican base.

Conservatives work tirelessly during campaign season. They donate money, knock on doors, make phone calls, and show up on Election Day. They elect representatives who promise to fight for life, religious liberty, and constitutional governance.

Then those representatives win. Republicans secure the majority.

And nothing happens.

Bills with clear majority support never become law. Campaign promises remain unfulfilled. And voters who don’t follow parliamentary procedure assume their elected officials simply didn’t fight hard enough.

The result? Disillusionment. Division. Depressed turnout in subsequent elections.

All because of a rule most Americans don’t even know exists.

Republicans Already Eliminated It for Judges—Why Not Legislation?

The Senate has already proven it can function without the filibuster. In 2013, it was eliminated for district and appellate court nominees. In 2017, the same happened for Supreme Court justices.

The result? Three constitutionalist Supreme Court justices confirmed by simple majority votes: Neil Gorsuch (54-45), Brett Kavanaugh (50-48), and Amy Coney Barrett (52-48).

Those confirmations reshaped the federal judiciary for a generation. They happened because Republicans understood that elections have consequences and majorities should govern.

If the filibuster can be eliminated to confirm judges, it can—and should—be eliminated to enact the legislation those judges will uphold.

The Talking Filibuster Alternative

Some conservatives worry about future Democrat majorities exploiting a filibuster-free Senate. That concern, while understandable, ignores political reality.

First, Democrats will eliminate the filibuster themselves the moment it serves their purposes. Surrendering legislative priorities now in exchange for protection that won’t materialize later is political malpractice.

Second, there’s a middle ground: the talking filibuster.

Under this reform, any senator opposing legislation would have to actually hold the floor and debate. Like Strom Thurmond’s 24-hour marathon in 1957 or Ted Cruz’s 23-hour speech in 2013, filibustering senators would need to publicly explain their obstruction.

This approach preserves minority rights to extend debate while ensuring that obstruction carries political costs. Senators would think twice before blocking popular legislation when they must defend that position on camera for hours.

Elections Must Have Consequences

The current system makes winning elections almost meaningless. A party can secure the presidency, the House, and the Senate—and still watch its agenda die because of an arbitrary 60-vote threshold that appears nowhere in the Constitution.

The Founders designed a system requiring simple majorities for most legislation. They included specific supermajority requirements only for extraordinary actions like treaty ratification, constitutional amendments, and overriding vetoes.

The filibuster is an invented obstacle, not a constitutional safeguard.

A Win Should Feel Like a Win

Conservative voters deserve to see their victories produce results. When Republicans campaign on protecting life and win majorities, pro-life legislation should become law.

When voters deliver electoral mandates, those mandates should be implemented.

The current system—where 52 votes can’t protect abortion survivors—is indefensible. It breeds cynicism, suppresses turnout, and rewards obstruction over governance.

The Path Forward

The Republican Party stands at a crossroads. It can continue operating under rules that guarantee legislative paralysis, or it can restore functional majority rule.

Yes, some in Congress are ineffective. Yes, some lack commitment to conservative principles. Eliminating the filibuster won’t solve every problem.

But it will solve the biggest one: the fundamental disconnect between electoral victories and legislative achievements.

The filibuster has had its day. Like the dueling culture that died out in the 1860s, this procedural relic belongs in history’s dustbin.

Republicans control the Senate. They have the power to end this obstruction—or at minimum, to require filibustering senators to actually filibuster publicly.

It’s time to stop flirting with reform and actually deliver it.

The conservative base is watching. They voted for results, not excuses. They deserve a system where their victories matter and their values become law.

End the filibuster. Let the majority govern. And watch conservative voters become energized like never before when they finally see their mandate implemented.

The American people have spoken. It’s time the Senate actually listened.